Authors: Wang Li & Do Quynh Anh
To most scholars who are obsessed with the realist doctrines, China and Vietnam can’t maintain mutually trusted relationship in view of historical memories and geopolitical concerns. Even Henry Kissinger argued that “with the fall of Saigon in 1975, the inherent and historic rivalries between the two communist states burst into the open, leading to a victory of geopolitics over ideology.
Authors: Wang Li & Yang Yi-zhong*
According to a conventional argument, with no heir apparent and his power firmly consolidated, Chinese President Xi Jinping is at the height of his authority when U.S. President Trump made his first state visit last week. On October 18, Xi’s inaugurating message was clear: China is already a superpower and should begin to act like one.
As the longest tour of Asia by a US president in 25 years, US President Donald Trump has embarked on a 12-day trip to Asia starting on Friday the 3rd November during which he would five countries: Japan, South Korea, China, Vietnam and the Philippines. In his shuttle diplomatic voyage, President Trump is expected to show a united front with South Korea and Japan while pressing China to take a stronger line with Pyongyang.
Authors: Anna Kolotova & Zhao Wenbin*
Since the Soviet Union was disintegrated in late 1991, people are always puzzled by the fact that China and Russia have come to be so rapidly and closely that they have forged the entente. In retrospect, Joseph Nye Jr. warned 17 years ago, it would take very clumsy American policy and behavior to drive China and Russia more fully into each other’s arms.
Authors: Wang Li, Sun Fangfang*
For a long time, the leaders of the Communist countries including China have been described as the technocrats with little creativity and fully-ideological orientated. But Kissinger has opined the past Chinese leaders Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping and current President Xi Jin-ping and his generation quite differently.
When, in 1972, Nixon pointed out to Mao Zedong that "the Chinese President changed the world", Mao just answered "no, only something on the outskirts of Beijing." In the mind of the Chinese President, a Taoist poet, that was the sense of the natural centrality of the "Middle Empire" compared to the First World (the United States and the USSR, namely "the barbarians of the North"), to the Second World (namely the servants of either power) and to the Third World, the region that was bound to be represented and dominated by China.